1917 Riot

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In 2015 the Equal Justice Initiative documented more than 4,000 racial terror lynchings from 1870 to 1950, in a dozen Southern states.

Creating A Post with Guest Author Name

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If you want to create a post and use an author name OTHER THAN one of the authors included in the Tikkun site, you can use the “custom field” pull-down menu (below), select “Guest Auhtor” and then fill in the name you want to appear in the byline. This will over-ride whoever is actually creating the post and ignore the “Author” pull-down menu.

Culture

Life So Good

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There was another picture of her at their wedding. Two young boys in coffee-colored suits stood behind them, holding guitars way too big for their bodies, surrounded by a crowd of what must have been a hundred, their priest dressed in white toasting them with a big glass of red wine.

Spring 2017

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This quarterly issue of the magazine is available both online and in hard copy. The full online articles are only available to subscribers and NSP members — subscribe or join now to read the rest! You can also buy a paper copy of this single print issue. Members and subscribers get online access to the magazine. If you are a member or subscriber who needs guidance on how to register, email staci@tikkun.org or call 510-644-1200 for help — registration is easy and you only have to do it once.

The United States and Israel: An Alliance or a Protection Racket?

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GIVEN THE CENTURIES of persecution against the Jewish people, threats by Arab neighbors to Israel’s very survival in the early days of its independence, and decades of terrorist attacks by Palestinian extremists against Israeli civilians, it has been understandably difficult for many Israelis to recognize the willingness of the Palestine Authority (PA) to make peace. As the principal mediator in the Israeli-Palestinian peace talks, one would think that the United States would be eager to underscore the Authority’s willingness to accept Israeli control of 78 percent of historic Palestine, allow for Israeli annexation of most of the major settlement blocs in the West Bank in exchange for an equivalent amount of land recognized as part of Israel, and the implantation of strict security guarantees, including the demilitarization of a Palestinian state, the disarming of Hamas and other militias, and the deployment of Israeli monitors and international peacekeeping forces. Unfortunately, the U.S. government and leading American political figures have done just the opposite—engaging in a longstanding and persistent effort to persuade the Israeli people and supporters of Israel in the United States that the Palestinians are not really interested in peace and that a perpetually militarized Israel is therefore necessary. In resolutions passed by unanimous consent or lopsided bipartisan majorities, Congress has repeatedly tried to convince Israelis that—despite repeated calls for peace—the Palestinians’ recognized leadership in the dominant Fatah party, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), and the Palestine Authority have actually wanted to destroy Israel. For example, Congressional leaders and top administration officials from both parties for many years kept insisting that Palestinian leaders such as Yasir Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas were talking about peace in English while rejecting it in Arabic—even though none of them actually understood the language.

2017

50 Years Later – How the Occupation Evolved and the Answer to its Growth

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I WAS BORN IN 1971, four years after the 1967 war that led to the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip. I grew up living under the brutality of the Israeli military and its violence. Until 1993 we, Palestinians in the Occupied Territories, lived under what I refer to as “direct military occupation.” The military was fully present and controlling of every aspect of our lives. The military headquarters, known ironically as the “Civil Administration,” were located in the heart of every major city in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Physically, the Israeli army roamed the streets of our villages, refugee camps, and cities day and night.

What the Collapse of the Two-State Solution Means for Palestinian and Israeli Nationalism

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FOR ABOUT A CENTURY NOW, the Zionist movement and the Palestinian nationalist movement have been locked in furious struggle, where each side felt its very existence threatened by the other. Each laid exclusive claims to the same piece of real estate, and made little effort to understand or appreciate the other. To the contrary, the struggle was waged on the basis of mutual exclusion, and a zero-sum approach. After the stunning victory of Israel in 1967, a historic opportunity appeared to break this logjam: The formula (land for peace) would require Israel to withdraw back to the pre-1967 border, and establish a Palestinian Arab state in the area of the West Bank and Gaza that would be returned to Arab sovereignty. Some form of joint sovereignty over Jerusalem, demilitarization of the new state, and other minor changes would round up the picture, and the conflict would be resolved.