Ecosocialism: Not Your Father’s (or Grandfather’s) Socialism
by: Jan Garrett on October 3rd, 2010 | 33 Comments »
A Rip Van Winkle Experience
When you have lived more than six decades, it is possible to have a Rip Van Winkle experience. Life may have assigned an aspect of the social universe you once followed closely to the bare horizon of your awareness, where it may have lurked for decades, and then events occur that make you again pay attention to it. When you do, it may seem that, like the fabled Van Winkle, you have been asleep and things, though not entirely different from what you once knew well, have substantially changed.
The “Death” of Socialism?
Not long ago socialism, especially in its Marxist varieties, was widely declared dead. Yet the economic debacles of capitalism in 2008-2009 have stimulated new interest in socialism and non-Stalinist Marxism. Many who in the 1960′s and 1970′s took socialism seriously turned away from such “passé” perspectives in the last quarter of the twentieth century. Perhaps they were convinced by the setbacks and reversals endured in the Latin American Revolution, in the Soviet bloc countries, and the turn of “People’s” China to capitalism that the best people could hope to achieve in their lifetimes would be a “progressive” holding action. Perhaps we might, through single-issue united fronts, non-governmental organizations devoted to social justice, and focused electoral interventions, set limits on sweatshop exploitation of labor, improve health care, halt the degradation of the environment, and win formal and enforceable approval of women’s and gay rights.
Reemergence?
Such people may not be ready to reconsider socialism. But it is worth noting that while attention has focused elsewhere (recently with the vocal right attacking Barack Obama, of all people, for being a socialist), socialism has been evolving, learning from tragic experience and from positive developments in other countries, and sometimes from self-criticism. It may be preparing a reemergence onto the political stage.
Less Rigidity?
One change I detect is the withering away of some of the arrogance and rigidity that sometimes characterized the old independent left. In the sixties the mindset of the self-consciously revolutionary left was subject to pressures deriving from (even while it opposed) the “advanced capitalist” system in countries like the U.S. and the elites, on the one hand, in the mainstream trade union movement and, on other other, in the Soviet and Chinese “socialist” bureaucracies. The “third world” revolution at times provided a source of inspiration for north-hemisphere radicalism, but it suffered great defeats (Che Guevara’s end in Bolivia, the overthrow of Allende in Chile), catastrophic mutations (Khmer Rouge in Cambodia), or distortions due to blockades and dependency on Moscow (the long-surviving Cuban Revolution itself).
We can begin to observe in today’s revolutionary left a new sense of the possibility of alliances between currents that used to be radically opposed, sometimes over issues that today seem minor; and a new sense that their still small groups, in spite of the rich intellectual heritage that they may represent, must no longer describe themselves as if they were the sole possible nucleus of the basic changes that are needed, but, to cite one example, each may provide a “perspective” that hopes to contribute to those changes and to the organized form that it may eventually require. Two pieces of evidence for this are: (1) The self-redescription by what appears to be the largest of the international Trotskyist (“Fourth International”) tendencies as a “perspective”; and (2) the warm remarks by Alex Callinicos, leading British socialist associated with the International Socialism tendency, toward that “Fourth International” tendency, at a memorial meeting for the recently deceased French public intellectual and Marxist strategist, Daniel Bensaid. Increasingly prominent is the realization that growing numbers, especially but not exclusively in the global south, are turning toward revolutionary socialism as an alternative to religious fundamentalism and the enthusiastic or half-hearted embrace of capitalism.
Renewed Understanding of Marx
A second aspect is the discovery, or rediscovery, of the depth of intellectual resources in the writings of Karl Marx himself. Recent studies of Marx’s writings have called into question the widespread view, inspired by the behavior of Social Democratic parties that were Marxist in origin, and by the experience of the Soviet Union from the late 1920′s on, that Marxism is insensitive to the ecological consequences of capitalism or the Soviet rush to industrialize, and, more deeply, that given its labor theory of value, Marxism is unable to acknowledge the central role played by the richness of nature in the creation of human wealth.
This turns out to be seriously mistaken, as shown in careful studies published by Monthly Review editor John Bellamy Foster, such as Marx’s Ecology, The Vulnerable Planet, and The Ecological Revolution. Monthly Review, founded by Leo Huberman and Paul Sweezy in 1949, is an independent socialist periodical that has never affiliated with an activist organization, wagering that this better situates it to perform depth studies and analyses that will be of use to radicals without falling prey to the distortions sometimes emanating from more engaged organizations, which often associate too closely with “socialist” movements that have obtained a foothold in political power or labor bureaucracies.
A New Appreciation of Capital
In the 1960′s, it was possible to see oneself as a Marxist, and take the side of the oppressed in the class struggle, rooting for revolutions in the third world and hoping for one in the advanced capitalist countries, without much close study of the details of Marx’s critical assessment of capitalism and political economy (the latter was his term for the economists of his time who generally downplayed the internally conflictual tendencies of the dominant system). Even then, to be sure, many Marxists read a couple short books by Marx, Wage Labor and Capital, and Value, Price, and Profit. A deeper appreciation of Marx’s studies of capitalism reminds us of pressures inherent in capitalism as a system that exploits workers (in the technical Marxian sense) and over the long run pushes toward the ever greater exploitation of labor (in the global south as well as north).
Establishment economists emphasize market exchange, the sphere of circulation. In contrast, Marx, in his first volume of Capital, the only volume published in his lifetime, insisted on imaginatively following the worker into the factory after he had agreed to work for the capitalist in return for a wage. Marx thought in a new, critical way about the productive process and how, in return for wages equivalent to the value of a part day’s labor, the capitalist extracted several hours of surplus labor from the worker. In recent years, geographer David Harvey has developed a masterful series of lectures making this volume of Capital accessible for the new generation of activist critics of capitalism. He has just published an important and quite readable Companion to Marx’s Capital based on those lectures.
But that is not all. The inner dynamic of capitalism (the “laws” contingent on its existence as a system) appears to be also the source of most if not all of the major problems faced by the planet today. A better understanding of Marx’s analysis of capitalism, going beyond the first volume of Capital, has produced a growing recognition on the socialist left of the “organic connection” or tight interconnection between the deep structure of capitalism, on the one hand, and the apparently separate issues of anti-immigrant hostility in North America and in Europe, the more general attack on labor rights, wasteful consumerism, and the environmental depredations of extractive industries (fossil fuels, precious metal mining, and the like) on communities and the environment. Consumerism, for instance, results from capital’s “compulsion” to sell its products in order to “realize” its profits (regardless of whether human beings really need those products); and ecological disasters rightly linked to extractive industries (like BP’s Deepwater Horizon) are less driven by human need for resources than by capital’s “need” for relatively inexpensive inputs to enable consumerism and expand profits.
Ecology and Socialism
As a result, an increasingly conscious connection is being drawn by socialists between ecological issues and capitalism. Apart from Foster’s books mentioned above, I cite two more examples. Haymarket Press, associated with the International Socialist tendency in the United States, has published Chris Williams’ fine book Ecology and Socialism, which has some of the theoretical depth of Foster’s books but is better oriented for the education of activists. Another piece of evidence is the emergence of socialist groups consciously self-described as ecosocialist; for instance, the declaration by the Trotskyist tendency mentioned above, that has now chosen to consider itself ecosocialist. Eco-socialism has received a recent boost from Latin America with the recent global conference against climate change held in Cochabamba, Bolivia, last Spring.
Numerical Growth
A final point in my likely incomplete survey of “not your father’s socialism” is the end of decline and modest but significant growth in the number of activist groups committed to a socialist perspective. I have not systematically gathered evidence for this hypothesis, but it seems to be supported by interest in left publications, confirmed by a friend who runs a bookstore in the Detroit area, by David Harvey’s recognition of a growing audience for his work, and the judgment of the Fourth International that there has been a significant revival in recent years of interest and engagement in the struggle for system change.
Reading between the lines of the organizational report of another international tendency, the (also Trotskyist) International Marxist Tendency, at its recent world congress in Italy, seems to have also seen an uptick in their brand of radical socialist activism. My limited knowledge of the (formerly?) Maoist Revolutionary Communist Party led by Bob Avakian, which has been active, to judge from internet sources, on the antiwar front and in protests against the catastrophe in the Gulf associated with BP’s Deepwater Horizon, has prevented me from speculating about their recent fortunes.





Excellent book by an honest writer…
Every sytem, whetaher it is capitalism or socilaism eventually forms its social elite. Absolute equality on a large scale is very difficult to achieve
There has never been a surcease of social injustice to protest. Insofar as Marxism has theories to offer that blame the injustice on capitalism is just same-old same-old. Show us a socialist economy that preserves the planet, and it will be more than theorizing. I find none such wherever I look, especially in China.
Few people who take seriously the Marxist intellectual tradition in any form regard China as socialist or even non-capitalist any more. I grant that the ruling, once Maoist, Communist Party has gradually transformed itself (without any obviously violent counterrevolution) into the enthusiastic manager of a rapidly industrializing state fully inserted into the capitalist world market, and that is a curious phenomenon. But that tells us something about political bureaucracies, not about the fundamental social relations that prevail in China today.
Really interesting article.
And way to get down to it with that absolutely critical comment, David, but definitely a wrong summation of the first wave of socialist revolutions. It’s true, overcoming the “birthmarks” of capitalism and class society is difficult but it would not be scientific to equate that difficulty with a flaw inherent to communism.
To pick up where the article left off, I want to offer what the Revolutionary Communist Party is calling a new manifesto for our times…
Communism: The Beginning of a New Stage
http://revcom.us/Manifesto/Manifesto.html
Give it a skim through and let them know what you think…
Your link cannot be opened, but there is no way to avoid the creation social elite. Vietnam under Communisim distrbuted ration coupons according to their place in society. Vietnam gave up the Socialist system under the Doi Moi program in the mid 1980′s. They realized that the were holding their own people back from ther natural enterprising instinct.. Vietnam was a merchant and trading economy for centuries. What I observed when in Vietname was a thriving economy that offered oppotunitmy to far more than just the political elite.
Going back to Rex’s comment, let me suggest that it assumes that we might conduct a simple experiment, a capitalist society in country A and a socialist society next door to it in country B, and then see how the two turn out. The problem with this assumption is that it ignores the fact that capitalism has been, virtually since about 1650, a world system, which is not to say that it was dominant on a world scale in 1650 the way it was after, say, 1815. Any society today that is trying to move towards socialism –and I don’t mean a social democratic welfare state on the model of Sweden–immediately faces the active hostility of the capitalist center, which arguably consists of three partners (the “triad”), the U.S., Europe, and Japan, with (now capitalist) China coming up as fast it can, but especially of the U.S. which has primary control of the military arm of the capitalist center. Such a move towards socialism hardly gets to breathe before it faces a concerted attempt by the center and its local allies to undermine the transition. What has taken place in Venezuela since Hugo Chavez first won the Presidency is an opportunity for case study.
I do not suggest that the leaders of socialist revolutions did not make mistakes, nor that they were not partly misguided, sometimes by the pressures of their stronger allies. That we could discuss at length.
One more point worth bearing in mind is that, contrary to the impression given by the association of socialism/communism with the Soviet Union from Stalin’s time on, socialism worthy of its name is radically democratic, just the opposite of what existed in the Soviet Union from relatively early on (not entirely the fault of the Bolsheviks in my opinion) and just the opposite of the “low-intensity democracy” we “enjoy” in the U.S. In that sense, although we may have see the beginnings of movements toward socialism here and there in the world, we have not yet seen socialism and we are not likely to until several such movements in several countries simultaneously reach critical mass.
The issues I am alluding to concern the problem of transition beyond capitalism. Some of the most creative thinkers within the Marxist tradition today are addressing this problem, which has both conceptual and practical dimensions. I am thinking of Michael Lebowitz and Istvan Meszaros, both of whom have recognized the importance of what has recently been occurring in Venezuela.
What we are observing in Venezuela is Chavez consolidate power bu shutting te opposition out of the political system. Venezuela’s economyis only afloat because of their oil. There has been no development of other sectors of the economy
David,
Perhaps you are reading the situation in Venezuela through the lens of the “opposition” media and its U.S. establishment allies. In the preceding election (unlike the one that just took place September 26) the opposition boycotted the process and therefore had few members of the National Assembly on its side. The anti-Chavez opposition for the most part *control* the corporate media in Venezuela, which has more viewers than the pro-Chavez stations, and they used it to support the failed coup attempt against Chavez in 2002. It’s true that Venezuela’s oil is a special factor in the situation and the other sectors of the economy have been held back, but not that this is the doing of Chavez or the Bolivarian Revolution that he helped to initiate. The non-oil sectors of the economy were deliberately undercut and dismantled in the pre-Chavez years by the local partners of the current global system to conform to the mandates of neoliberal structural adjustment, a strategy that makes countries in the global south more dependent on transnational corporations. Think of how the Tea Party types in the U.S. have been able to hamstring the mildest progressive initiatives here and you will get a notion of how the Venezuelan “opposition,” which is in the Venezuelan context proportionately *more* powerful than the Tea Party in the U.S. context, has undercut the progress toward a healthy economy that real progressives in the Bolivarian Revolution have been trying to promote.
Chavez is working himself into being president for life, that is precisely what most people respecting Democracy would oppose. This is not coming from anti Chavez media. That is only an excuse for coverig for his ills. Holding referendums to extend presidential terms or to eliminate term limits only serves the interest of those in power.
You mentioned then Chavez initiating the Bolivian revolution. Isn’t that te very interference from a foreign power that most on the left opposed when the US engaged in the same practice? Chavez tried the same trick in Peru and was told to stay out of their internal affairs. He also supports the very rebel group (FARC) which distabalized Colombia for years.
Chavez is no more sophisticated than theTea Party is here. Like the Tea Party he speaks tall words in vague terms and is unable to deliver on them.
Adding fuel to the flame is his support for the regime of Ahmadinijad.
But really who cares about Chavez? He is no real threat and will only run his own country into the ground..
A brief comment on David’s point about Vietnam. “Natural enterprising instinct” is a phrase crafted, intentionally or not, to promote the idea that capitalist private enterprise is somehow engrained in human nature. In opposition to this, the view of Marx, more and more being revived by the current generation of socialists, is that human beings have a natural inclination to (co-) manage the social and economic conditions of their lives, to contribute to the reasonable (and ultimately sustainable) solution of the problems of producing and consuming what we really need to live together, in essential comfort, health, and sanity. 21st century socialism, with its increasing stress on the importance of joint democratic workers’ control of economic units, not to the exclusion of economic planning controlled as much as possible at the grassroots, is in many ways the opposite of the “socialist” economy modeled on the Soviet system that the Vietnamese had before their return to capitalism. It is also the opposite of the recent situation where Vietnam has become a haven of sweatshop production inserted into the dominant global system.
Jan,
You are terribly wrong and the Vietnames govt realized it in the mid 1980′s. Marxism was an idea that few even grasped. The only countries Marx really saw engaging in his ideology were Germany and the UK. It is simply your failure to grasp cultural mores of Vietnam. There are no code words here. The Vietnamese were miserable under Communism. Individuals want to have control of their own future.
David, you misrepresent what I said. I did not say that Chavez initiated the Bolivian revolution. No doubt the Bolivian grassroots did that, especially the Indian populations. The Bolivarian revolution, named after Simon Bolivar, a Venezuelan and Latin American revolutionary hero from the 19th century, is a term that applies first of all to the revolutionary process in Venezuela with which Chavez has identified himself. Its primary mover is the Venezuela grassroots. Chavez would never have been elected without their support. One of the most interesting manifestations of the Bolivarian Revolution is the Venezuelan Constitution of 1999. There are similarities between the process in Venezuela and that in Ecuador and Bolivia, but also differences.
Your claim that individuals want to have control over their own future is a partial truth. It assumes that we can have significant control over our own futures all by ourselves. This is the Robinson Crusoe fantasy.
What is the use of a constitution in Venezuel when Chavez wants to revise for the benefit of consolidating his power? As for Ecuador and Bolivia , they are both stuggling. I see nothing but 3rd world economies. Chile and Brazil, both strong democracies, are models of succes i South America. Both have sophisiticated, emerging economies that go well beyond their mineral wealth.
You seem to equate “strong democracies” with being part of neoliberal globalization, but usually what that means is low-intensity democracy, with the major parties controlled by, or in the case of Brazil’s once-promising Workers Party, having adapted to the corporate domination of the economy. You seem to forget that both Chile and Brazil endured military dictatorships in the recent past. It is good that they have moved out of that phase, and it is no doubt nice for the stockholders of Brazilian corporations that the economy is more successful in conventional terms and Brazil is a more important player in the over-all Latin American economic scene than it used to be. But those people are not average Brazilians.
Your “Chavez wants to consolidate his power” refrain is an old and worn-out one; it’s a standard response to any political leader who wants to go forward effectively with a progressive agenda.
Brazil’s Lula evolved and allowed his country to become a major economc force. No one is denying they have a lot of poverty, but so does the socialist paradise, Venezuela. According the Nation master, poverty is indeed higher in Venezela than Brazil.
Chile, the most developed has the lowest poverty in South America. A remarkable country with a dynamic democracy.
I have not forgotten what any of the countries went through which puts an even more positive spin on the state of both of them today. Brazil and Chile are hardly unique in South Amerca. It is the story of nearly the whole continent, only they have shown the greatest ability to emerge from the dark days of dicatorship.
http://www.nationmaster.com/graph/eco_pop_bel_pov_lin-economy-population-below-poverty-line
You mention stockholders as some sort of elite. I’m sure that somewhere buried in my 401k are shares of Brazilian corporations, not unlike the many millions with pension plans.
Economic development benefits everyone. I cannot think of any “pure” socialist paradise that has produced national wealth on the scale of a free but regulated market economy.
.
s for Chavez, his only agenda is power and he uses his so called ideology as cover. put simply Ego and power grabbing over morals. Chavez is a bufoon.
marx and adams are so very close in their analysis and its implications for government and the need for democracy and redistribution of wealth. commons research, archaelogy, ecology all point in the same direction, a conclusion William Penn arrived at after speaking to Iroquois elders and learning of Iroquois politics and political economy.
mistake: typo. Adam Smith and Marx.
Isa, we live in a the real world, not the theoretical world. People just do into fall into place like puzzle pieces, especially in a Democracy
With Marx we are dealing with the possibility of transcending private property on the basis of material and scientific development that has passed through a long period of class society, including a few centuries of capitalism. The collective property and respect for the earth that characterized American Indians before the onslaught of European capitalism and its American offshoot may have something to teach us, but the communal society of tomorrow must be democratic on the basis of the capabilities that can be salvaged from the available intellectual, scientific, technical practices that we find today, after the latter have been ruthlessly critiqued for the perverse assumptions, e.g., that human beings are incorrigibly egoist and that everything should be commodified, that often prevail today.
Marx was a fool, he got alot of things wrong. There are classes, but not the proletariat and the capitalists. They are both workers. The classes are simply the preductive class and the parasitic class. And governments are parasitic in nature. We don’t need government any more, it’s just a monopoly on violence and the initiation of force is evil and wrong. All forms of capitalism when government is involved naturally head towards socialsm, All forms of socialism when there is government involved ends with big tyrannicle governments. Peace.
Thank you for “sharing your opinion.” Your analysis perfectly fits the ideological tradition of capital, b/c it makes the irreconcilable antagonism between capital and labor disappear, the better to operate beneath the radar of critique. So as not to be confused by surface appearances, we have to understand the capital system as global, so that the increasingly landless people who are not industrial workers in the global South (as well as super-exploited industrial workers, say, in China) suffer the consequences of the system and have a stake in changing it. Social explosions and violent repressions tend to take place there first. (That’s been true for decades.)
Marx actually agrees that we don’t need government any more–or, rather, we wouldn’t if we could get beyond that irreconcilable antagonism, which he thinks possible. But it’s not possible just by wishing it or by friends of social justice all raising their right hands and swearing to nonviolence. Would that it were, but it isn’t.
Jan Garret seems to know more about Marxist theory than tham human behavior.
You know Jan, one thing confuses me. How can you strive embrace socialism and Democracy. Socialism would largely depend on the Democratic majority embracing it. What if they vote to change the system? I mean, newly elected govenments bring new policies.
You can draw on a example on a small scale, Kibbutz. Kibbutzim have always been viewed as a shining example of socialism, I lived in one as a full member for 10 years. In the last decade many kibbutzim voted to privitize their communities. How can you sto that without seizing control of kibbutz and imposing socialism?
For socialism to work, people have to understand and want socialism. If you try to force it on people, it will fail miserably, because “you can lead a horse to water, but you can’t make it drink”, and it’s a novel idea that is far removed from what people are used to. This is the mistake that Leninists made and still make, and this tiny, fanatical minority has put a terrible stain on what was originally a very liberating and humanistic idea. It’s a big leap from “looking out for number 1″ to working together as a community, and a lot of people are not ready or willing to make that leap. It’s the next step in human evolution beyond the buying and selling that has been going on for centuries. You mentioned kibbutzim – I think this is the way to go. The people who understand and who want socialism have to show the world that, not only can it work, it can produce a better quality of life than capitalism – not on the basis of material consumption, but on the basis of security, happiness and sustainability.
Ed
The concept of Kibbutz is becoming a thing of the past.
There still seems to be a lot of interest in those ideas:
http://directory.ic.org/iclist/
Ed, you write, “The people who understand and who want socialism have to show the world that, not only can it work, it can produce a better quality of life than capitalism – not on the basis of material consumption, but on the basis of security, happiness and sustainability.” I think this has a lot of truth, but it won’t happen by running little micro-experiments of socialism in one country or a few kibbutzim in a world dominated by gigantic capitalist corporations, states that have evolved to support those corporations, international financial institutions that have evolved to support those states and corporations, and complex ideological systems that have evolved to make thinking toward socialism impossible; capital is a hegemonic system. Yet it is in serious crisis right now, and its internal dynamism is such as to produce even worse crises. But how do we make the transition to socialism? That’s the big question. A major part of the task is to know what sorts of approaches to avoid. There are plenty of object lessons from the Soviet experience–it’s not enough to statize all the property; from the Yugoslav experience–it’s not enough to have local workers’ control of enterprises that still have to trade in a capitalist marketplace (b/c/ all the old unevennesses based on factors beyond the control of the enterprises mean that some will be more profitable than others and inter-enterprise egoism tends to undermine the solidarity needed to make the new system work well and prevent a reversion to “all the old filth”). Deep democracy, involving multiple workers’ parties none of whom are stalking horses for restoration of capitalism, is key. Production for meeting needs honestly reported and rationally aggregated rather than production of commodities to make a profit for capital. Probably multiple countries will have to make the break at about the same time for critical mass to be attained. If the crisis of capitalism gets worse, which it has ever sign of doing, it may happen in the lifetime of some people reading this debate.
Those engaged in making the change must engage in self-criticism on a scale probably never before seen. Otherwise, bureaucratization is probable, and with it the strangling of the democratic hopes of the process. A challenge; yes indeed! If you want to study cutting edge thinking about this, look up the recent books of Istvan Mezsaros and Michael Lebowitz.
” Deep democracy, involving multiple workers’ parties none of whom are stalking horses for restoration of capitalism, is key”
My understanding is that Democracy is a marketplace for the free exchange of ideas. What you’re suggesting has its application in Iran. Just replace theocracy with socialism and this si yourr quote.
” Deep democracy, involving multiple religious parties none of whom are stalking horses for restoration of secularism, is key”
In Iran as long as you don’t upset the reilgious apple cart, you are free to run for office. What you are proposing is a demcocracy that is just as limiting. That runs counter to Democracy.
Turning to your socialist paradise in Venezuela, Chavez is doing all he can to shut down opposition and become president for life. that’s also anti Democratic.
Your worldd is one of politicla prisoners and re-education camps
I said nothing about “religious” parties. I said “workers’ parties”; and workers are the vast majority of current society. You need to read the comments on which you are commenting a bit more slowly. Interesting that you understand democracy by means of the marketplace metaphor. That would be worth an entire essay in itself.
Don’t stop there, this is a great discussion, as an overview it seems a little ironic (noting the article title) that the discussion is weighted toward what could be regarded as ‘my fathers socialism’.
Primarily it is the Eco prefix of ecosocialism that is being neglected here. A generation of new socialists are being recruited from the otherwise politically apathetic generation. This is particularly true of UK, US, Australia, Aotearoa. A generation that acknowledges old school socialism and embraces its failures (as cases from which to build on). The new generation arrives here through a different door from our Fathers and Grandfathers (Mothers and Grandmothers) because we accept scientific consensus on climate change. We may pass ecological tipping points from which there is no return in as little as 4 years time. We can pick the academic knots in socialism’s past which is fine, but essentially we want to move forward. Capitalism is at the core. Relentless Economic Growth is at the core. Greed is at the core. Short sightedness is at the core. Environmentalism that fails to view capitalism as such is just fiddling whilst Rome burns.
Martin, I largely agree with you. First, a minor point. When I originally formulated the title, it did not include “Ecosocialism:” That was added, I imagine, by Dave Belden. Still, the integration of ecological concerns into present-day Marxist socialism is one of the key points in the article. And it is indeed worthy of much more discussion.
For one thing, David Harvey’s work seems to me to represent a profound integration of environmental issues into an updated Marxian vision. Traditional revolutionary socialism has emphasized the class struggle between workers and capitalists in the context of what is technically called expanded reproduction, the expansion of the capitalist system of production as a result of the accumulation of capital at one point in time and its reinvestment in the pursuit of ever-greater absolute increments of surplus value. With this emphasis, one expects the decisive struggles to occur in the context of the factory or some production arena analogous to the factory.
But, as Harvey recognizes, most of the struggles currently occurring, which are anticapitalist in thrust although not always consciously so, are struggles against what he calls accumulation by dispossession. For instance, struggles by indigenous peoples against the destruction of their habitat by massive mining operations, as well as struggles in Appalachia in the eastern U.S. against mountaintop removal mining are struggles against attempts by capital to continue to accumulate wealth by methods that amount to dispossession of indigenous people’s ancestral lands or small landholdings that have been in certain non-wealthy families for generations or, more generally, despoilation of the biodiversity and beauty of the natural environment that arguably is part of what used to be called the commons, our common heritage.
Harvey makes the important point that what Marx described as primitive capitalist accumulation–that is, what the capitalists did to amass sufficient wealth to move to capitalist manufacture and industry in the late 18th century–was not just a passing phase, superseded by the industrial extraction of surplus value from the manufacturing or industrial proletariat. It never stopped occurring alongside the latter, and in recent decades it has returned with a vengeance.
The “new social movements” are responses to accumulation by dispossession of one form or another. The socialism of the future must be built on an alliance between a radicalized labor movement and the new social movements, who realize their common enemy and common interests.
Recently I wrote a blog entry offering a leftist critique of the ideology of “Green” environmentalism, deep ecology, animal rights activism, eco-friendliness, and lifestyle politics in general (veganism, “dumpster diving,” “buying organic,” etc.). I’d be interested to hear your thoughts on the matter and any responses you might have to its criticisms.
I have printed it out and will read it when I get some time. In the interim, you may find valuable Joel Kovel’s critical evaluation of varieties of ecopolitics other than his own ecosocialism toward the end of his (from my perspective) excellent analytical, dialectical, and yet often poetic The Enemy of Nature (2007 edition). I only discovered this book recently. Had I known about it earlier, I would have discussed it in my Tikkun Daily blog entry on which (at least some of) the above replies comment.